Reference was made to Russia’s flagship Moskva, which Ukraine says it bravely sank last Wednesday with two deadly Neptune rockets. The warship has become a meme and a symbol of national disobedience, since Ukrainian soldiers stationed on the Black Sea island of Snake told him in the first days of the conflict “go fuck yourself”. Zelensky avoided the word F. He praised those who “showed that Russian ships can” – a dramatic pause – “go to the bottom of the sea.” He also paid tribute to the men and women who had driven Russian troops from the north, blocked them in the south, and heroically defended Mariupol. As usual, he concluded his speech with: “Slava Ukraini” – Glory to Ukraine. On the battlefield, the fortunes of Ukraine are mixed. Russian armed forces were forced to withdraw from the Kiev region after failing to occupy the capital. But they have made significant progress along the Sea of Azov, laying a land route from Crimea to separatist-controlled territory to the east, where a Russian attack is imminent. On the information front, however, Ukraine has offered a masterclass in message. Zelensky’s speeches to his people and his speeches to foreign parliaments around the world have strengthened international support and boosted morale at home. They have been impressed by the projection of a varnishless real-time video blog from Europe’s bloody front line. Zelensky addresses members of the House of Commons. Photo: EyePress News / REX / Shutterstock Their author is a 38-year-old former journalist and political analyst with less than 200 followers on Twitter. In a WhatsApp interview, Dmyro Lytvyn told the Observer that the ideas behind Zelenskiy’s speeches were: “The president always knows what he wants to say and how he wants to say it.” He added: “In speeches, emotions are more important. And of course the president is a writer of emotions and the logic of words. ” Other world leaders “can learn how to do it”. In other words, they could mimic Zelenskiy’s intense combination of sincerity and emotional strength. Lytvyn is a member of the president’s inner group. He and his colleagues have been living and working in Bankova – Ukraine’s White House or Downing Street – since the early days of the invasion. Once a columnist for the weekly news magazine Levyy Bereg, named after the left bank of the Dnipro River, Lytvyn was reluctant to say more. “I do not usually comment on this,” he said. Serhiy Leshchenko, another former journalist who became Zelenskiy’s wartime adviser, described Lytvyn as a literary and artistic aide: “He collects the president’s ideas every day. It functions as a collector of mind or senses “. One day the issue may be the barbarity of Russian soldiers, the next Ukraine’s urgent need for defense weapons. Lytvyn has been in the Ukrainian political scene for a while. He was a political analyst for Servant of the People, Zelenskiy’s political party, and a fierce opponent of Petro Poroshenko, Zelenskiy’s predecessor as president. A former colleague said that Lytvyn’s attacks on the country’s leadership after 2014 after the pro-Maidan uprising had divided Ukrainian society. “I am not a fan. “But he is smart,” the colleague added. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi introduces Zelensky (on screen) to the US Congress. Photo: Scott Applewhite / EPA Writing on Facebook at the beginning of the war, Lytvyn made some clever points about Putin. “His imagination is poor, so he always reflects something. We have to understand that objective reality does not control Putin. Western sanctions will not affect him. It seeks isolation. ” Putin’s ruthless goal was to change the state and the “political reality” of Ukraine, he published. Lytvyn’s method definitely works. Polls show that 95% of Ukrainians believe that their country can repel the Russian invasion, despite Kiev’s inferiority in terms of tanks, troops and air force. And 78% believe that Ukraine is moving in the right direction. Zelensky’s personal ratings, which were in recession in early February, have skyrocketed. Orysia Lutsevych, director of the Ukrainian forum at the foreign policy thinktank Chatham House, said Zelenskiy’s previous career as an actor and comedian was the key to his success. Viewers were accustomed to seeing him in different roles on television and therefore could accept him as a “T-shirt leader” – an achievement that escapes most conventional politicians. “They know it can be transformed. “It’s like the Zelensky transformation,” he said. “He is a modern politician who comes from entertainment. It is in his element. People around him understand the power of storytelling during a war. After Bucha’s horror, it is important to have a galvanizing story. “The sinking of Moskva is a powerful symbol.” Lucevich said that Zelensky and his co-authors had created a sense of “historic mission” that linked Ukraine’s current struggle with previous battles against Moscow. They were also well acquainted with pop culture, presenting war as “light against darkness”. In this Lord of the Rings drama, the Russian soldiers were “orcs” and Putin an invisible Sauron. Many of Zelenskiy’s senior consultants came from television and worked with him on Kvartal-95, his production studio. Their efforts to gain global support are aided by the clear nature of the Russian invasion. Ukraine is the victim. He fights for survival. This makes Zelenskiy the leader of what political scientist Ivan Krastev calls a “romantic constellation.” Zelenski addressed the Greek parliament earlier this month. Photo: Costas Baltas / Reuters Zelensky is comfortably in front of a camera, either talking on his iPhone or addressing citizens from his shelter. When he was elected in 2019, he had a few specific political ideas. He tried to stand out from his predecessors by giving long press conferences. These days, his interactions are easier. Lucevic said his daily speeches “resonate well”. They are also perfectly adapted to a specific audience. Addressing the House of Commons on the 13th day of the invasion, Zelensky likened Ukraine’s struggle against Russia to Britain’s struggle against Hitler. “We will fight to the end, in the sea, in the air. We will continue to fight for our land, whatever the cost… We will fight in the forests, in the fields, on the shores, on the roads “. For the British, then, Zelensky referred to Churchill. For the Greek parliament it was Mariupol – the homeland of many ethnic Greeks – and for the Finns, the Molotov cocktails fired against the Soviet invaders. Speaking to Australians, Zelensky referred to MH17, the Malaysian Airlines plane shot down by Russia in 2014. Speaking in the US Congress, he likened the bombing of Ukraine to Pearl Harbor and 9/11. Zelensky combines this high rhetoric with specific demands. He demanded that anti-aircraft systems, MiG fighter jets, tanks and armored vehicles be provided to Ukraine. It wants further sanctions against Moscow, including a full-blown oil embargo. At times he may be reprimanded. German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier was informed last week not to visit Kyiv because of his close ties with Russia. Ihor Todorov, a professor of international relations at Uzhhorod University in western Ukraine, said Zelenskiy could be emotional and non-diplomatic. His early presidency often resembled The Servant of the People, the successful Ukrainian television comedy series in which Zelensky played a history teacher who accidentally became president. The war transformed Zelensky, as Stalin did in 1941, he said. “Zelensky responded well to the situation,” he said. “A lot of people who did not vote for him two years ago recognize that.” He added that the president’s wife, Olena, had a lot to do with the passionate tone of his speeches and that other people were involved, including Yuri Kostyuk, one of the screenwriters for Servant of the People. So is Zelenskiy Ukraine’s response to Churchill? No, said Tordorov: “Comparing Zelenskiy to the cult of Winston is too much.” Lucevic agreed. “Churchill was much more charismatic and self-centered,” he said. “But Zelensky is quite effective.”
