René Herrmann took a radical step to get the most attention. As he joined an escort to protest anti-Russian sentiment, he placed a sign with the Star of David on the hood of his vehicle. “What a bad Jew he was [during Germany’s World War II Nazi era] “He is now the bad Russian,” he said. “Russophobia is everywhere.” Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, there have been protests around the world against Moscow’s actions, and certainly in Germany, where activism abounds in places like Berlin. Rising voices against Russia have led to some Russian attacks. But it is no secret that many of the more than 2 million immigrants from the former Soviet Union now living in Germany are ardent supporters of Vladimir Putin. And they were never ashamed to publicly express their support. It is openly expressed in the appropriation of the Star of David – widely recognized as a symbol of Judaism and Jewish identity – in the same way that people against the COVID-19 vaccine and mask used the symbol and the Holocaust to express their anger. for the orders they characterize as fascism reminiscent of Nazi Germany. The Nazi Germans forced the Jews to wear the symbol to mark them as enemies, and less than that, they were picked up and taken to concentration camps, where millions were killed during World War II. While the use of the Star of David — or the Holocaust — in this way is considered offensive, it is not the only symbol adopted by the pro-Russian crowd in Germany. In addition to the huge Russian national flags, the letter Z appears on Russian tanks and trucks in Ukraine – which means To win [“For victory”] And the letter V for Power in truth [“Our strength is in truth”] are also ubiquitous in these concentrations. Many protesters also wear the black and orange ribbon of St. George, a symbol of victory in World War II and Russian military glory. In Berlin, anyone who displays these symbols is subject to a fine or prosecution. The story goes on Herrmann, who is German – not of Russian descent – has a car dealership on the east side of Berlin. He said he had not personally experienced anti-Russian attacks, but that the internet was full of such stories. Since the start of the war, more than 500 crimes related to discrimination against Russians, Ukrainians now living in Germany and supporters of the division have been reported to the authorities. They mainly include material damage and insults. These meetings are also reflected in posts on the website of the Russian Embassy in Berlin, where people can report such incidents. However, anonymous reports are all trivial and sometimes difficult to verify. “We have to be very careful that this war does not spread to our society,” said Nancy Pfizer, Germany’s interior minister. “This war should not be fought on the backs of Ukrainians or Russians in Germany.” Just a few days ago, a Soviet war memorial in Berlin was painted with graffiti. The graffiti read “Ukrainian blood in Russian hands” and “Putin = Stalin”. Although the crimes so far remain minor, they are food for Moscow supporters. A Telegram channel called “Putin Fanclub” has almost 33,000 subscribers. Other, similar channels, such as “News from Russia”, have more than 127,000. “Elite idiots never learn from history, the more pressure there is on Russia, the stronger the cohesion of the people,” one message said. Among Putin’s supporters in Germany, the war is regularly referred to as the “liberation of Ukraine.” Right-wing platforms such as the far-right Compact Magazine welcome German-Russian friendship. “If there is one lesson from history, it is this: Germans and Russians must never allow themselves to be pitted against each other again,” said Jürgen Elsässer, the magazine’s editor-in-chief. “There are arsonists in Kyiv who want to drag the whole world into the abyss to save their regime.” All of these groups are playing with existing anti-American, anti-NATO and anti-Western sentiments. “The radical right-wing mentality is in exactly the same anti-Western direction as Putin,” said Matthias Quent, a researcher at the University of Applied Sciences in Magdeburg and one of Germany’s best-known researchers in the field, who sees many overlaps with other groups. “When Russian flags are flown at anti-COVID-19 rallies in Saxony or when protesters parade in front of the Russian Embassy and then shout slogans such as ‘Putin set us free’, there is clearly a conflict of interest.” Elsässer’s Telegram channel “Compact Magazine” has over 60,000 subscribers. The channel also broadcasts videos from the blocked Russian propaganda network RT. “The polarization is definitely increasing,” Quent said. “RT’s ban is considered by many to be proof that they are actually telling the truth.” Reports of Russophobia fall into the same pattern. “When incidents are reported, true or false, they immediately go viral on social media,” he said. “In the end, no one knows what really happens.” Whether the incidents are based on facts or on fantasy, the rifts in society are getting deeper and deeper. With new rallies and demonstrations recently taking place in German cities, the question remains: Why is there still a vocal minority adopting a pro-Russian line? Many of them are of German origin. They left the former Soviet Union because they felt like strangers there and wanted to return to their homeland. “But here in Germany they were considered Russians, not Germans. At one point, they began to think, “Okay, if they see us as Russians, we will behave like that,” said Vladimir Kaminer, one of the best-known contemporary Russian writers who has lived in Berlin for more. from 30 years. “When you lose your social status, you quickly develop an inferiority complex.” One way to compensate is to take on the role of victim, says Kaminer, who has long been involved in the German-Russian soul search. When the phone rings at the home of a 75-year-old historian in Detmold, North Rhine-Westphalia, Russian radio is playing in the background. Of German descent – he refused to be identified due to privacy concerns – his family moved from Kazakhstan to West Germany in 1983. Asked about his feelings for Russia, he quickly took a stand. “The West supports the robbers in Kyiv,” he said. “By expanding to the east, NATO has broken its promises to Russia. “Russia was in danger and had to defend itself.” Everything he says seems to come directly from the Kremlin book. Addressing the hundreds of Ukrainian civilians killed in Bucha, some of whom were shot with their hands tied behind their backs, he maintains a steady voice. “They are all actors,” he said. “And so does their president. “They can not be trusted.” One week in the escort in Berlin, Herman regretted putting the Star of David in his vehicle. “The police fined me, and it does not matter,” he said dryly. When asked if he would stage another protest, he would no doubt do so, he said. “I will only wait until after May 9, when Putin’s victory parade in Red Square ends.” Ziener is a special correspondent. This story first appeared in the Los Angeles Times.
